Human rights of injured workers: NSW leads the way in U.S style race to the bottom

We know that Barry O’Farrell would be horrified at the suggestion, but you’d be forgiven for mistaking this article (Reexamining workers’ compensation: A human rights perspective (pages 483–486) for one describing workers compensation schemes in Australia .  Injured workers around Australia are truly caught in a race to the bottom, we give special mention to NSW because it is a leader in this race – sadly,  we’ve almost hit rock bottom, if not already.

Human rights of injured workers: NSW leads the way in U.S style race to the bottom

Reexamining workers’ compensation: A human rights perspective

Leslie I. Boden PhD*

American Journal of Industrial Medicine

Special Issue: Re-thinking Workers’ Compensation: The Human Rights Perspective

Volume 55, Issue 6, pages 483–486, June 2012

Abstract

Injured workers, particularly those with more severe injuries, have long experienced workers’ compensation systems as stressful and demeaning, have found it difficult to obtain benefits, and, when able to obtain benefits, have found them inadequate. Moreover, the last two decades have seen a substantial erosion of the protections offered by workers’ compensation. State after state has erected additional barriers to benefit receipt, making the workers’ compensation experience even more difficult and degrading. These changes have been facilitated by a framing of the political debate focused on the free market paradigm, employer costs, and worker fraud and malingering. The articles in this special issue propose an alternate framework and analysis, a human rights approach, that values the dignity and economic security of injured workers and their families.

Over the past two decades, many states have rewritten their workers’ compensation laws, making it more difficult for injured workers to receive compensation. There is substantial evidence of these growing barriers to compensation, as well as the more general failure of workers’ compensation in the U.S. to provide prompt and adequate benefits to injured workers. Despite this, state legislatures continue to focus on reducing employer costs by further constraining worker access to benefits. Missouri’s 2005 legislation was so draconian that the Missouri Supreme Court ruled that injured workers excluded by the new law from receiving benefits could sue their employers under the common law (Missouri Alliance for Retired Americans v. Department of Labor Industrial Relations, 277 S.W.3d 670 [Mo, 2009]).

Building on their pioneering work in this area [Spieler and Burton, 1998, Burton and Spieler, 2001], Spieler and Burton [2012] provide a compelling description of the degree to which workers disabled by occupational injuries and illnesses now fall through the workers’ compensation safety net, and the ways in which the net has been shredded over the past two decades. They demonstrate that large and growing numbers of workers with occupational injuries and diseases—and resulting disability—are not receiving workers’ compensation benefits under the current system.

For disabled workers who successfully navigate the workers’ compensation maze, all recent research suggests that workers’ compensation benefits cover only a small portion of their economic losses [Hunt, 2004]. Although there is variable adequacy of wage replacement depending on the type of injury and the jurisdiction, a study of five states’ permanent partial disability systems found that wage replacement of pre-tax lost earnings for permanent partial disabilities varied between 29 and 46 percent for the ten years after the injury [Reville et al., 2001]. Because benefits generally end within 10 years, but economic losses continue, the true long-term replacement is likely to be below the reported numbers, perhaps substantially below.

Studies have also shown that non-economic losses are also substantial—and certainly not compensated. These include depression, limitations in doing household chores and child care, and interference with relationships with spouses and partners [Keogh et al., 2000; Strunin and Boden, 2004]. Further, experiences attempting to obtain workers’ compensation benefits and the stigma attached to applying for them are often so negative that they are themselves barriers to filing. These issues are discussed in this issue by Lippel [2012] and Hilgert [2012].

The cutbacks since 1990 described by Spieler and Burton [2012] have been fueled in part by charges of worker fraud and malingering that are advanced by insurers, employers, and the media and supported by the insurance and economics literature on “moral hazard.” These allegations have survived despite a lack of empirical evidence that worker fraud is present in more than a tiny fraction of claims. They also stigmatize injured workers, make them less likely to report injuries and file claims, and justify insurer behavior that demeans those who do file for benefits. The cutbacks have also been fueled by interstate competition for business location, based on the hope that reducing employer costs will attract new investment. Competition among states to decrease costs like workers’ compensation often results in a “race to the bottom.” This is, at best, a zero-sum game among the competing states, but a losing proposition for the rights of injured workers.

In 46 states, all or most insurance is provided by private insurers, regulated by state insurance departments. State insurance regulators are supposed to ensure that insurers do not underprice their product and become insolvent, while also protecting employers from being charged excessive premiums. Regulators also provide a mechanism, the residual market, that guarantees insurance coverage to employers that private insurers do not voluntarily cover. McCluskey [2012] describes the regulation of the insurance market and argues that states are in a position to play a more meaningful role through this regulatory function. She describes how the State of Maine created the Maine Employers’ Mutual Insurance Fund (MEMIC), an innovative “anti-insurance insurance company” that would prioritize improved claims handling, safety, and rehabilitation and be accountable to both workers and employers. McCluskey believes that MEMIC has been a success and that its success suggests that restructuring how workers’ compensation is financed may prove a useful tool in creating a more humane system.

Although McCluskey looks to the financing of insurance in the U.S. as a source of change, Lippel [2012] takes us abroad to examine how other countries handle compensation of occupational injuries and illnesses, with an eye toward the goals of equity and the dignity of injured workers. Lippel focuses on several dimensions that she sees as necessary to protect the human rights of injured workers. She begins by describing aspects of workers’ compensation systems that undermine human rights, including adversarial processes that undermine goals of fairness and efficiency and the relative powerlessness of workers in the system. Within this framework, many of the themes discussed in other articles are reinforced. These include the stigmatization of injured workers, difficulties in obtaining compensation, the extra barriers to compensation faced by women and immigrant workers and, more generally, how the design of insurance can affect the human rights of injured workers. With these issues in mind, she describes the accident compensation system in New Zealand and the disability compensation system in the Netherlands. In both, work-relatedness is not a requirement for compensation. She also describes aspects of the Canadian and the Australian workers’ compensation jurisdictions, assessing characteristics that may support equity and dignity.

Taken as a whole workers’ compensation and human rights paint a disquieting picture of the current status of workers’ compensation systems. They raise serious questions about the compatibility of workers’ compensation and the human rights of injured workers. These critiques suggest that we should take a fresh look at workers’ compensation—a look that questions all aspects of the current systems. For example: Should we continue to have a system that treats work-related disabilities differently from other disabilities? Should disability compensation be funded by the at-injury employer? Should payment for health care for occupational injuries and illnesses be covered by general health insurance?

The human rights framing attempts to modify the terms of the debate, to move them away from a focus on the market paradigm, employer costs, and the “race to the bottom.” Although political power rests at the moment in the hands of those who would undermine basic protections, it is worth building the arguments for these protections, as we attempt to change the political dynamic. It is incumbent on the public health community to maintain our focus on the health and well-being of workers.

 

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2 Responses to “Human rights of injured workers: NSW leads the way in U.S style race to the bottom”

  1. Barry O’Farrell, Parliament, 26 September 1996

    Below is a little of Barry O’Farrell’s speech, what happened to taking it to the people, what a lying sack of S*** you are Barry.
    How did he get through school and University seems he can be convinced of anything but the truth.

    “At the end of the day we are democrats and we know that no change can occur under our system without it going to the people and the people deciding through majority support. This Parliament continues to receive each day hundreds of petitions signed by people across the State who are concerned about the Carr Government’s actions over the office of Governor and over the future of Government House … I am a Liberal. That does not mean that I am conservative … I have respect for our traditions and for our institutions. That does not mean that I am wedded to them without good reason. If there is a better way I and other members on this side of the House will embrace that better way. But we will embrace it only if we are convinced that it is a better way, that there has been consultation on it and majority support for it, and that it will do nothing to undermine the peaceful democracy in which we live.”
    —Barry O’Farrell, Parliament, 26 September 1996

  2. Thanks for the constant stream of excellent articles and research John.
    It is in the worker’s compensation systems that we get to understand that workers are still slaves. They can be worked to death and then trashed, injured at work, then trashed. In the economic wash up, our lives and well being really don’t count.
    The worker’s compensation system in Australia has become an industry in its own right, another profitable arena for everyone involved, except for the injured worker. We are stripped of everything dear to us, while all around us highly paid professionals profit off our misery, and in the process they multiply our misery.
    It’s complete denial of human rights to injured workers lets us know just how corrupt this system has become.